A Research Paper on Iranian Revolution

nineteenth century westbound travelers, who from their background would readily have bought into the image of Oriental despotism, frequently noted that actual government in Iran depended implicitly on consent of the governed. Often it was nearly explicit:

If a expectant majority are determined to have the kadkhuda out, not I nor even the Prince, nor the Shah himself, can prevent their doing so .... I pass water the term elections to this business because I have no otherwise word for it, but they do not meet and vote. The involvement is arranged amongst themselves, they meet and talk the matter over and whenever a large majority is in favor of one human being the authorities cannot resist their wish (quoted in Abrahamian, 1982, p. 21).

Another 19th century British observer noted succinctly that " local anaesthetic rulers are often given orders which they can not melt down" (quoted in Abrahamian, 1982, p. 39).

In the course of the century, however, the West began to impinge significantly on Iran. Iran was too far away from Western centers of power, and twain equidistant between Britain and Russia -- in terms of power projection, if not geography -- to be colonized outright, in spite of the Qajar's unfitness to build a modern state or specifically a modern army. However, Western ideas came in, and a significant moment of Iranians obtained a Wester

The modernists made a rather cynical bargain in accepting the stomach of the ulama, the religious scholars whom Western media conventional if not quite accurately describe as "clerical." Wrote one reformer, "because the Iranian people take away fanaticism, if we receive assistance from the half-alive group of the ulama, we probably will come upon our goal much sooner" (McKay, 1998, p. 145). The constitutionalist movement was initially successful, and a constitution was adopted in 1907. However, the mullahs progressively withdrew their support as the modernist agenda came closer to realization. By 1911 the new system had collapsed.

Sepanlou, Mohammed Ali (2002). coeval Trends in Iranian Publishing. Azar Mahloujian, trans. The Book and the Computer: Online Symposium.
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Conclusion: Consequences and Prospects

Ayatollah Khomeini was the Shah's natural enemy. The two of them stood for fundamentally opposite conceptions of what Iran was and what it might or should become. The students, however, who marched below Khomeini's portrait in 1978 and 1979 should have been the Shah's natural allies against Khomeini. It is by and by all their children who have become most restless chthonian the stifling control of the mullahs.

Their ability to do so was beef up by the particular circumstances of Iranian Shiism allowed it to give verbalize particularly to the aspirations of Iranian nationalism. The Islamic "fundamentalist" assertion that Islam is a comprehensive way of life, fully incorporating politics, has taken such robust root that Western students learn it and take it for granted as an established fact (Munson, 1988, p. 37). In fact, popular Islam has rarely had a strong political component, which is why "Islamic states" have been the expulsion rather than the rule in the history of the Muslim world. However, Iranian Shiism and the Shia ulama did have a history of active political invo
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